Ukryta Wojna: Cicha Kapitulacja?, by Marian Miszalski. 2019. Capital Book, Warszawa
Polish-Jewish Relations. Poland is Too Judeocompliant. Period
A COVERT WAR: A QUIET CAPITULATION? Is the title of this hard-hitting Polish-language book. The author is a writer and journalist. Miszalski covers many topics in Polish-Jewish relations, and I focus primarily on Holocaust-related property restitution, and a little on modern German revanchism.
TELLING IT LIKE IT IS
The author is not afraid to call a spade a spade. He fingers Jewish racism as the cause of the tacit Jewish belief that Jewish suffering is qualitatively different from all other suffering, and, as per the Holocaust Industry, that Jews are entitled to be exempt from the property-succession laws that govern all other peoples. He is not intimidated by charges of anti-Semitism. It is a standard tactic. Consider the Jewish-American atom spies Julius and Ethel Rosenberg. When they were about to be executed for their heinous crime, their supporters leveled the accusation that America has become (what else?) fascist and (what else?) anti-Semitic, and was persecuting them because they were Jews. (pp. 23-24, 267-268).
THE 1997 RESTITUTION LAW HAS NO BASIS IN FACT
There is no legal continuity between the 3 thousand Jewish communities that existed in Poland before WWII, and the claimants (the 9 Jewish communities that exist today), over 75 years later. The 3 thousand prewar Jewish communities ceased to exist when they were murdered by the Germans. (p. 53).
Yet, in Orwellian fashion, the Polish government agreed to “return” the properties as opposed to “turning over” the properties. (p. 54). Miszalski believes that the fraud took place because Poland, at the time, was seeking entry into NATO. (p. 55).
The 1997 Law was passed because the Polish parliament was, at the time, dominated by leftists. These included the post-Communists, as in the SLD, PSL, UW, and UP. President Aleksander Kwasniewski signed the Law without comment. (pp. 56-57). This is not the first time that Kwasniewski had served the Jews: He had gone around accepting Polish liability for Jedwabne as fact, and apologizing for the Poles.
HOLOCAUST PROPERTY RESTITUTION DEMANDS FROM POLAND–FOR GERMAN CRIMES AND FOR THE CONSEQUENCES OF GERMAN CRIMES
Now consider additional communal properties, and heirless properties. The WJRO (World Jewish Restitution Organization) now demands 300 billion dollars from Poland. This is equivalent to 1 billion zloty, and amounts to the annual budget of Poland! (p. 62).
The claims are totally devoid of merit. Heirless property, by definition, escheats to the state. That is how it always has been. But none of this matters. The Jews from the Holocaust Industry are now conjuring up a set of retroactively-acting racist tribal rights, by which everything once owned by Jews–lo and behold–becomes still owned by Jews collectively (that is, owned by self-appointed Jewish organizations). (p. 62, 154).
United States Senators Marco Rubio and Tamar Baldwin have been the major promoters of (JUST) Act S. 447. Baldwin is a Jewish lesbian, and Marco Rubio is beholden to Jewish financier Norman Braman. (p. 78). Miszalski contends that the bogus “Poles celebrate Hitler’s birthday”, and the incident involving the New Jersey Katyn Monument and Mayor Steven Fulop, were both intentional distractions designed to divert attention from the passage of S. 447. (pp. 76-77, 116).
Those who stroke us about the innocence of the Terezin Declaration claim that it is (technically) non-binding. It most certainly is–just as soon as various Jewish organizations interpret it that way. In fact, the Justice for Uncompensated Survivors Today (JUST) Act S.447, signed into law, reflects the Jewish interpretation that the Terezin Declaration is obligatory. (p. 65). In fact, the (JUST) Act S.447 authorizes the United States Department of State to monitor Poland’s fulfillment of Jewish demands on her, and with an implied threat of sanctions for noncompliance. (p. 69).
The Holocaust extortion is even bigger. The claims of (JUST) Act S.447 are not limited to heirless and communal properties, or even the needs of Holocaust survivors! There is also a blank-check provision for Poland (and other nations) to provide for Holocaust education and unspecified “other purposes” This open-ended provision could require Poland to build Holocaust museums in every city and town, and be required to teach the Jewish version of history in every classroom. Poland would have to pay for massive indoctrination of Polish youth. (p. 79). The “other purposes” provision is an even more bottomless sack that could allow who-knows-what, at-will Jewish demands from Poland.
THE STATE OF ISRAEL JOINS THE SHAKEDOWN
Poland lost much of her sovereignty owing to the purposely-vague language of the Treaty of Lisbon. (pp. 159-160). And, now, the Israeli HEART (Holocaust Era Assets Restitution Taskforce) is joining American Jews in baseless property restitution demands from Poland. HEART is using Poland’s membership in the European Union, and specifically the Treaty of Lisbon, for leverage against Poland. (pp. 65-66). So, in this sense at least, Israel has become an enemy of Poland.
WHY DOES POLAND EVEN NEED ISRAEL?
Miszalski is put off by the one-sided coziness of Poland to Israel. He reckons the “building a future together” message, of Donald Tusk and Benjamin Netanyahu, as per Poland and Israel, to be on par with the old Communist propaganda of the USSR and Poland “building a future together”. (p. 184).
Polish politicians have made frankly laughable comments about Polish-Israeli relations. For instance, Lech Kaczynski said that, in all of Europe, Israel has no greater friend than Poland. Wladyslaw Bartoszewski said that Poland is sought out by Israel as an authentic partner. (p. 194). Yeah, right.
The author points out some elementary facts. Poland and Israel do not share a border, have little in common economically or culturally, and with reciprocal trade between them not even at 1%. (p. 263). Arab and African markets are more important to Poland.
Not even tourism is reciprocal. Poles visiting Israel usually tour the Holy Land. Israelis visiting Poland (as in the so-called Marches of the Living) do so in order to reinforce their chauvinism and anti-Polish attitudes. Miszalski could have said much more about this. See:
Marian Miszalski recounts Benjamin Netanyahu’s warning, said at a 2018 AIPAC Conference, of nations lacking diplomatic relations with Israel just isolating themselves. Not quite. There are 34 nations that lack diplomatic relations with Israel and do just fine. (p. 194).
EXPANSIVE UNILATERAL POLISH FAVORS TO JEWS
Consider all the Jewish Communist criminals, as in the U. B. (Bezpieka), which have immigrated to Israel since 1956, and become Israeli citizens. They are forever exempt from facing any form of justice for their crimes. The Polish taxpayer has to pay their pensions, to the tune of 60 million euros annually. (p. 61).
During 2002-2018, the Polish government gave Israeli Jews around 30,000–40,000 passports. This huge number, as pointed out by Miszalski, has no justification in terms of Polish interests, and is another gift to the Jews. (p. 58). It allows for a huge movement of Israelis to Poland, reminiscent of the flooding of Palestine decades ago. (p. 99).
The Polish taxpayer is forced to foot the bill for Jewish institutions in Poland. This includes the POLIN Museum in Warsaw (250 million zloty), and, as if that is still not enough, 200 million zloty for the planned Warsaw Ghetto Museum. Another 100 million zloty was spent on renovating the Jewish cemetery in Warsaw–again courtesy of the Polish taxpayer. (p. 289).
WHY THE SELLOUT TO JEWISH DEMANDS?
Miszalski considers Polish philosemites the new Sabbath goys. (p. 274). For instance, in 2011, Bronislaw Komorowski openly said Poles must get accustomed to the fact [to him] that Poles were complicit in the Holocaust. (p. 61).
The Polish government engages in self-censorship, never saying anything that might upset Israel. (p. 100). Miszalski asks why the Polish government said nothing in 2017, when JUST went to Congress. And why the silence in 2018, when President Trump signed it into law. (p. 74). And, when Polish-Americans organized protests against JUST Act S.447, why was the Polish government silent about them? (pp. 293-294).
Some have said that the Jewish lobby is so powerful, and the U. S. so beholden to this lobby, that Poland has no choice but to submit. Miszalski rejects this. (pp. 186-187). He does not think that the U. S. is of great importance to Poland. He suggests that the Polish spirit of appeasement is a cover for the same kind of personal cowardice, venality, and scandalous passivity as existed during the “do exactly as Moscow says or it will be worse” days of Communism. (p. 187).
The author does not see Jewish power and influence as invincible. If Poland were to stand up to Israel, the Jewish nation would indeed do the predictable war dance about Polish antisemitism. And then Israel would back down. (p. 193).
So Marian Miszalski sees the Polish timorousness as based less on fear of the power of the Jewish lobby, and more on a lack of elementary courage. Another factor is the ease of corruption of the Polish government. (p. 74, 289). This corruption is accentuated by the ugly Round Table compromise, which enabled the Communists to retain some of their power and to be immune from prosecution of their crimes. (p. 289).
For a review of an earlier work, on the Holocaust Industry, by Marian Miszalski, see: