March 1, 2024
Current Issues Restitutions/Reparations

Detailed Bulletin: How the Holocaust Industry is Out to Exploit Poland

  • Over 50 million people became homeless as a result of WWII (Hayes 2015), and never got compensated. Yet all we hear about is the profundity of uncompensated Jewish property losses (for example: Beker 2001). Exploit Poland!
  • The usual Jewish-serving media propaganda about Polish “unjust enrichment”, off the properties of Holocaust-murdered Jews, is misplaced. It was the Jews that blatantly and massively stole (and kept) the properties of the Palestinians! (Kagan 2007, Segev 2018). Talk about unjust enrichment!
  • As for Polish-Jewish relations, “unjust enrichment” worked the other way. Jews engaged in unjust enrichment when they grabbed the estates of Poles deported by the Russian authorities to Siberia after the Poles’ failed January 1863 Insurrection (Chmielewski 1970; Opalski and Bartal 1992).
  • Jews took advantage of the 1939 Soviet conquest and rule of eastern Poland to exploit Poland, enriching themselves in confiscated Polish properties (Koprowski 2018, Weiss 2011).
  • The Jewish mentality: Post-Jewish properties are still rightfully Jewish because the Jewish victims never got to sell their properties (Kaiser 2021). Nonsense! Laws govern property succession, and the inaction of the dead is immaterial.
  • Media generalizations, about postwar Poles resenting Holocaust-surviving Jews reclaiming their property, are part of the “Poles owe Jews” messaging. They normalize anecdotal events to exploit Poland, and ignore the fact that there was a causative postwar shortage of housing in postwar Poland (Vachon 1995).
  • The “Poles were bad to Jews” media narrative (because of 650-1,200 postwar Jews killed by Poles, mostly under unclear circumstances: Cichopek-Gajraj 2014) omits this crucial fact: Owing to postwar anarchy, Poles also murdered 15,557 other Poles (Zaremba 2022).
  • The constant message that “Poland is the only nation without a Holocaust-related property succession law.” (Bazyler 2016, p. 325; Lehrer and Meng 2014, p. 66) is a lie. Poland had property-succession laws in place since the end of WWII! (May 1945). (Krzyzanowski 2020). Just because Jews dislike these laws does not entitle them to lie.
  • The “Poles owe Jews” media propaganda, about postwar Poland hindering the Holocaust surviving Jews regaining their property, is false. Some 150,000 Jews re-acquired and then sold their properties without incident, and moved to Palestine (Lisiak 2013, p. 168,170).
  • Pursuant to the March 8, 1946 Law, Poland’s Jews were required to file all property restitution claims by the end of 1947. This deadline was extended to the end of 1948 owing to Jewish pressure (Krzyzanowski 2020). Never satisfied, the Jews gripe about “being rushed to sell”. How self-serving!
  • The 1997 Law, on the “as needed” restitution of Jewish communal property (synagogues, mikveh, cemeteries), falsely affirms a legal continuity between today’s Polish Jews and the pre-WWII Polish Jews (Miszalski 2019, p. 53).
  • The 1997 Law has prompted Jews to declare that Poles have a “profound moral duty” to “return” Jewish communal property (Weizman 2022). How self-serving! When Jews do acquire such communal property, they often sell it, and it gets destroyed (Weizman 2022). It is not about morality: It is all about Jews making money. And, ironic to the “Poles got rich off dead Jews” media hullabaloo, it is the “Jews get rich off dead Jews” reality!
  • Heirless properties escheat to the state, but Holocaust-restitution Jewish lawyer Bazyler (2019) and the WJRO [World Jewish Restitution Organization] (Sosnowski 2020), following the Jewish-serving Terezin Declaration, try to circumvent this by arguing that “escheating to the state” is unjust because the Holocaust wiped out the heirs along with the owners.
  • This is a self-serving ploy to exploit Poland, circumventing the heirless property reality by inventing retroactively-acting special tribal rights for Jews (Miszalski 2019, p. 62, Sosnowski 2020). Jews are trying to force the Poles to pay for the lasting consequences of German crimes. No!
  • Some perspective: The systematic destruction of heirs was also inherent in ALL the other genocides, but the targeted peoples do not thereby acquire special tribal rights. Neither should Jews!
  • It was the postwar Soviet-imposed Communist puppet government, and not the “greedy Poles”, that nationalized the post-Jewish properties of the German-killed Jews. Leading Jewish Communist official Mieczyslaw Mietkowski [Moses Bobrowicki] did this (Lisiak 2013, p. 167, Verstandig 2002). Poles today have no legal responsibility for such decisions (Monika Krawczyk in Tych 2015).
  • If the JUST Act S. 447 is as innocent as some deniers say, then surely Jews would not be promoting it! (Michalkiewicz 2019). The Terezin Declaration creates an aura of legality about Jewish demands regarding heirless property (Michalkiewicz 2021).
  • It does not matter that the Terezin Declaration is not legally binding, and that “the Poles never signed any agreement to pay anything”. Jews own the narrative on restitution, and if the Jews convince enough western politicians that the Terezin Declaration obligates the Poles to pay the Jews for heirless property, then this will become reality (Michalkiewicz 2021). Exploit Poland!
  • The United States legal system is exceptionally friendly to Jewish demands (Goda 2017) that meddle with other nations. Class-action lawsuits, in American courts, are an ideal tool of the Holocaust Industry, and they serve as a trigger for “negotiations” (Wunberg 2007). These lawsuits, as intended, place immense pressure on the defendants to settle WITHOUT the accuser ever proving his case in court. Furthermore, as intended, they create a circus for politicians and the media that enables Jews to exploit to their advantage. (Codevilla 2000).
  • As an example, the Jewish accusers never had to prove in court that the Swiss banks wrongly enriched themselves off the Jews! The political pressure and bad publicity alone forced the Swiss to give in to Jewish demands, precisely as intended (Codevilla 2000).
  • This is a dangerous precedent: Extralegal manipulations (extortion) are not only tolerated but also rewarded (Balinski 2022). And now the “Swiss got rich off dead Jews” media circus (Codevilla 2000) has been replaced by the “Poles got rich off dead Jews” sequel.
  • In fact, Holocaust-Industry lawyer Bazyler (2016, pp. 162-163, 168) is quite frank about the tactics of the Holocaust Industry, which he calls the “four-legged stool model”: 1). Litigation against the target (primarily for publicity); 2). Getting American political officials to apply pressure, often with threats for non-compliance; 3). Influential Jewish organizations keep repeating the complaints against the target; and 4). American media keep the spotlight on the target of the complaint. It is all extortion!
  • Stuart Eizenstat, a high-ranking Jew in the United States government long active in the Holocaust Industry, has openly called on the U. S. government and the European Union to put pressure on Poland to force her to give the Jews what they want (Bazyler 2005, p. 305).
  • What a racket! The Holocaust Industry is not about justice for past victims. It is all about the Jewish-serving politics of extortion—one that takes full advantage of Jewish influence and power (admitted by Eizenstat 2002). Exploit Poland! Norman Finkelstein (2000) is fully confirmed.
  • Media demands for “justice to destitute Holocaust survivors” are a manipulation. Wealthy Jewish organizations could long ago have paid all survivors and not even felt it! (Finkelstein in Niekrasz 2001). Ironically, German reparations to Israel (1952 Luxembourg Agreement) deliberately omitted most Holocaust survivors! (Bazyler 2016, pp. 158-160).
  • Jan T. Gross [and his disciples: Barbara Engelking and Jan Grabowski] are a major source of Holocaust Industry propaganda to exploit Poland (Finkelstein 2005, p. 43). Too many history books cite them as authorities, just as intended.
  • Some Jews put a positive spin on the Holocaust Industry as one that inspired other victims to seek restitution. Not so (see Regula 2012).

 

Source: jewsandpolesdatabase.org (this website)

Balinski. 2022. Judejczykowie Nas Podchodza, p. 157

Bazyler. 2005. Holocaust Restitution, p. 305

Bazyler. 2016. Holocaust, Genocide, and the Law, pp. 158-160, 162-163, 168, 325

Bazyler. 2019. Searching for Justice After the Holocaust, pp. 484-485

Beker. 2001. The Plunder of Jewish Property During the Holocaust, many pages

Chmielewski. 1970. The Polish Question in the Russian State Duma, p. 78

Cichopek-Gajraj. 2014. Beyond Violence, p. 117

Codevilla. 2000. Between the Alps and a Hard Place, p. 178

Eizenstat. 2002. Imperfect Justice, p. 352, 354

Finkelstein. 2000. The Holocaust Industry, many pages

Finkelstein. 2005. Beyond Chutzpah, p. 43

Goda. 2017. Rethinking Holocaust Justice, p. 237

Hayes. 2015. How Was It Possible? A Holocaust Reader, pp. 258-259

Kagan. 2007. Restitution as a remedy for refugee property claims in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. FLORIDA JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW 19(2) Article 2:422-490

Kaiser. 2021. Plunder, p. 75

Koprowski. 2018. Zolnierze Wykleci, p. 287

Krzyzanowski. 2020. Ghost Citizens, p. 229

Lehrer and Meng. 2014. Jewish Space in Contemporary Poland, p. 66

Lisiak. 2013. Nie Musimy Placic Zydom!, pp. 167-168, 170

Michalkiewicz. 2019. Zdrada Nr. 447, p. 171

Michalkiewicz. 2021. Judaszyzm, p. 395

Miszalski. 2019. Ukryta Wojna: Cicha Kapitulacja, p. 53, 62

Niekrasz. 2001. Operacja “Jedwabne” Mity I Fakty, p. 98

Opalski and Bartal. 1992. Poles and Jews: A Failed Brotherhood, pp. 128-129

Regula. 2012. Reparations for Nazi Victims in Postwar Europe, p. 3

Segev. 2018. 1949: The First Israelis, pp. 68-79

Sosnowski. 2020. 447: Plan Grabiezy Polski, pp. 272-273

Tych. 2015. Jewish Presence in Absence, p. 816

Vachon. 1995. Poland 1946, p. 155

Vertstandig. 2002. I Rest My Case, p. 218

Weiss. 2011. The Lemberg Mosaic, p. 143

Weizman. 2022. Unsettled Heritage, pp. 214-216

Wunberg. 2007. Restitution and Memory, pp. 85-86

Zaremba. 2022. Entangled in Fear, p. 48, 62

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