March 1, 2024
Current Issues Germany and Poland

Detailed Bulletin: European Union Serves Germany and Harms Poland

 

  • The savage German aggression in two world wars has tended to obscure the peaceful ways that Germany seeks to dominate Europe. The MITTELEUROPA Plan (1915) was a forerunner of the no good European Union. It called for German hegemony over Europe (Michalkiewicz 2009, p. 227), and was an outgrowth of the long-term German belief in the superiority of Germans over other peoples, notably the Slavs (Notestein 1918).
  • Germany achieved a version of MITTELEUROPA between the world wars (1918-1939) in terms of a progressive German economic dominance over European nations (Zweig 1944).
  • The German antipathy to the very idea of separate European nations is deeply ingrained. Hitler scoffed at “the clutter of small nations” (KLEINSTAATENGERUMPEL), and Goebbels declared that, within 50 years, no one will even think in terms of nation-states anymore. He used the modern-sounding message of “breaking down borders” (Laughland 2016, p. 9, 16, 143).
  • Nazi leaders wanted to replace individual nations with the “European economic spaces” and the GROSSRAUMWIRTSCHAFT (“large area economy”). Hermann Goering openly spoke of a “continental economy” (Laughland 2016, pp. 23-24), anticipating the European Union. In today’s European Union, the switch from local currencies to the EURO benefitted Germany (Bosak 2016, p. 26). Surprise.
  • Defenders of the Third Reich and the European Union use identically the same arguments to delegitimize sovereign European nations: 1). New technology makes nations and borders obsolete; 2). Economic realities disfavor sovereign nations; 3.) Any nation outside the unified collective only marginalizes itself; 4). A united Europe is historically inevitable. (Laughland 2016, 15-16, 22, 24, 30-31, 33). In terms of rhetoric, who can beat historical inevitability?
  • The following statements by Hazony (2018, p. 154) are priceless, “The European nations are, as everyone understands, dominated by Germany. The European Union is a German imperial state in all but name.” (Hazony 2018, p. 154). Exactly right. It is the Fourth Reich.
  • Furthermore, Dr. Karl Schnurer, a onetime associate of top Nazi Odilo Globocnik, and a long-term unrepentant Nazi openly declared that the European Union fulfills the Lebensraum goals of the Third Reich with regards to the Slavic east (Rieger 2007). It certainly does. Wake up, Poland!
  • The power of the no good European Union expands incrementally: Once the camel sticks its nose under the tent, the rest of the camel follows. When Poland joined the European Union in 2004, it was under the stipulation that she had veto power. But now, with the coming of German stooge Donald Tusk into power in December 2023, Poland can be deprived of her veto power, making her a total vassal of Berlin and Brussels.
  • The European Union already has hidden totalitarian powers. The European Court of Justice can invoke “European Values” to force leftist dictates on Poland. It can also intervene in case of “a threat to democracy” in member nations, under various pretexts. (Kornas and Michalkiewicz 2020, p. 381). The Treaty of Lisbon is especially dangerous to Poland’s sovereignty. (Michalkiewicz 2009, p. 233).
  • Those who insist that “patriotism is outdated” need to seriously ask if Germany or France would give up their interests for the sake of Poland (Ziemkiewicz 2012, p. 80). The no good European Union reeks with hatred of the sovereignty of individual nations, especially of Poland (Hazony 2018, p. 191). European Union bureaucrats are openly hostile to Polish heroism and to Polish Catholicism (Koch 2018).
  • The no good European Union has a pronounced, long-term goal of forcing member nations to accept massive numbers of Third World immigrants (Murray 2018, p. 222). This intentionally weakens member nations and dilutes their identity, making it easier for the German-Belgian overlords to control them.
  • “Third world immigrants are desperate refugees” is a manipulation. The vast majority are not (Murray 2018, p. 158).
  • The “white people do not want children” premise is another pretext used to justify the forced immigration of Third World immigrants into Europe. It is untrue. White people want children, but cannot afford to, thanks to the socialistic policies that are prevalent in Europe (Murray 2018, pp. 46-47).
  • The European Union is a tool for the Judaization of Poland. Even the Holocaust is enlisted as a tool to shame Poland into accepting immigrants: Poland was “bad” to Jews, and now she is “bad” if she does not freely accept immigrants (Hansen-Glucklich 2014).
  • In addition, the European Union forced the creation of the POLIN Museum in Poland, which Polish taxpayers must support (Holc 2017). All the while, “money is lacking” for many proposed Polish-centered museums.
  • The European Union mandates that member nations not only teach the Holocaust (as because of the Stockholm Declaration of 2000: Pakier 2013; See also Subotic 2019), but also that they promote the Judeocentric notion of the Holocaust as “singular and unique; fundamental and exceptional” (Milerski 2010). Note that the European Union does not force the teaching of the Polokaust upon member nations, let alone how it is to be taught.
  • Moreover, Stuart Eizenstat, a high-ranking Jew in the United States government long active in the Holocaust Industry, has openly called on the European Union to put pressure on Poland to pay the Jews (Bazyler 2005, p. 305). Now, were the European Union not a tool of the Jews, Eizenstat would not be saying this!
  • Thanks to the Germanocentric imperialism of the no good European Union, neo-colonialism is in force. Poland has become de-industrialized, has become a dumping ground for consumer goods, and has become a source of cheap labor. Worst yet, thanks to the fusion of western European and Polish markets, the remaining Polish firms cannot compete with western European ones. In other words, Poland has become an increasingly defenseless colony (Bosak 2016, p. 40).
  • The fact that the European Union has invested in Poland is irrelevant. Colonial powers often did favors to their colonies so that the “restless natives” do not get too restless.
  • The term Eurokolhoz is apt. Under Soviet Communism, the peasant was economically disempowered. He could not own land or decide what crops to grow, and economic decisions were made by distant central planners. Communism became the new feudalism. Now, under the no good European Union, the Polish entrepreneur is disempowered, and economic decisions are made by distant bureaucrats in Berlin or Brussels.
  • The European Union’s policy on carbon dioxide emissions, irrespective of the validity or invalidity of global warming, was a trick. It struck at Polish industry, which did not have the technological advantages of French and German companies. (Bosak 2016, p. 51). Once again, Poland was disempowered.
  • Poland’s membership in the European Union has made buildings in major cities attractive targets for investment, which has also made them unaffordable to most Poles. This, in turn, has facilitated delayed childbearing among Poles, and has encouraged Poles to emigrate (Bosak 2016, p. 60). It is a subtle and long-term nation-destroying act.
  • The Communists conveniently used the disingenuous “all territories and nations are under some form of limited sovereignty” argument to justify Poland’s enslavement to the Soviet Union. Now the Euro-enthusiasts re-use it.
  • The fact that certain western Europeans oppose the European Union is no mystery. Colonial powers may decide that their colonies are more a burden than an asset. Think of the USSR in 1989-1991. In any event, Polish sovereignty should not be a bargaining chip that is dependent upon the whims of the Berlin-Brussels colonial powers. Polexit now!
  • Poles are being scared into staying in the no good European Union “because otherwise Russia could invade” (Chodakiewicz 2016). Communists used the same scare tactic: Poland leaving the Soviet bloc would cause Poland to lose her Recovered Territories to renewed German aggression.
  • Does membership in the European Union protect Poland? Would the European Union, or NATO, risk a world-incinerating nuclear war with Russia just to save little Poland from Russian aggression? Think about it.
  • Poland faces considerable pressure from the European Union to bow to left-wing dictates (Golebiowska 2014). The EU can arbitrarily declare that same-sex marriage and gender confusion are protected human rights, while the lives of unborn children are not.
  • In Pope John Paul II’s encyclical, CENTESIMUS ANNUS, he wrote, “‘Communism was a spiritual failure because of its Promethean attempt to build a new world, one from which God would be banished, and to create a new man, whose conscience had no room for God.’” (Jablonska 2017). And now the no good European Union does the same, and Poland is right in it.

Source: jewsandpolesdatabase.org

Bazyler. 2005. Holocaust Restitution, p. 305

Bosak. 2016. Suwerenny Narod w XXI Wieku, Program Ruchu Narodowego, p. 40, 51, 60

Chodakiewicz. 2016. Mysli Wolnego Polaka, p. 22

Golebiowska. 2014. The Many Faces of Tolerance, p. 31

Hansen-Glucklich. 2014. Holocaust Memory Reframed, p. 39

Hazony. The Virtue of Nationalism, p. 154, 191

Holc. 2017. The Politics of Trauma and Memory Activism, p. 68

Jablonska. 2017. Wind From Heaven, p. 31

Koch. 2018. A Captain’s Portrait, p. xi

Kornas and Michalkiewicz. 2020. Zmora, p. 381

Laughland. 2016. The Tainted Source: The Undemocratic Origins of the European Idea, p. 9, 15-16, 22-24, 30-31, 33, 143

Michalkiewicz. 2009. Nie Bojcie Sie Prawdy, p. 227, 233

Milerski. 2010. Holocaust Education in Polish Public Schools. PROSPECTS 40: 121,127

Murray. 2018. The Strange Death of Europe, pp. 46-47, p. 158, 222

Notestein. 1918. Conquest and Kultur, p. 53

Pakier. 2013. The Construction of European Holocaust Memory, p. 9

Rieger. 2007. Creator of the Nazi Death Camps, p. 18

Subotic. 2019. Yellow Star, Red Star, p. 17

Ziemkiewicz. 2012. Mysli Nowoczesnego Endeka, p. 80

Zweig. 1944. Poland Between Two World Wars, pp. 24-25

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