April 13, 2024
Current Issues Poles Under Communism

Detailed Bulletin: Attempts to Suppress Communist Crimes


  • There never was a Nuremberg Trial for top Communist criminals (Kemp-Welch 1990).
  • Communists in Poland have escaped justice through the convenient “draw a line under the past” (GRUBA KRESKA) policy (Miszalski 2017). There never was a GRUBA KRESKA for Nazi German crimes (against Jews). All this is Talmudic-style dual justice.
  • In the USA, there are scores of Holocaust museums, notably the USHMM in Washington, D. C., but no museums of comparable size or standing to the WWII U. S. armed forces, let alone to the victims of Communism (Davies 2006).
  • Hollywood focuses on the Holocaust, ignores non-Jewish genocides, and has largely avoided the subject of Communist crimes (Gonshak 2015).
  • Since time immemorial, the word Communism in English always began with a capital letter. Now, suddenly, in most publications, it starts with a small letter. It looks like an Orwellian attempt to minimize the significance of Communism and its crimes.
  • Communism was as bad as Nazism. The Communists murdered at least 20-25  million Soviet citizens (Yakovlev 2002). Worldwide, the Communists murdered a total of 85-100 million human beings, according to the French scholar Courtois (1999, p. 4). Yet the Jews and their 6-million Holocaust gets all the attention.
  • On top of that, the customary over-signification of the Holocaust has marginalized Communist crimes (Courtois 1999, p. 23).
  • Moreover, Jews are insanely jealous over any attention given to Communist crimes. Holocaust-promoting Jewish organizations consistently express anger at the juxtaposing or equating of the Holocaust with Communist crimes (Gross 2015; IHRA 2021; Magilow in Gigliotti 2020; Novis-Deutsch 2023).
  • Holocaust supremacists insist that there was no gulag equivalent to the Nazi death camp, to which admission absolutely guaranteed death. Doubly false. The Nazi Germans spared some Jews even at “death-only” camps such as Treblinka (Orenstein 1987).
  • In addition, there were in fact quite a few Soviet gulag camps from which no one emerged alive (Anders 1949; Besancon 2007; Ekart 1954; Lisiewicz 1949; Sikorski ad Sikorska 1946; Solzhenitsyn 1975, p. 54, 199, 221).
  • Holocaust supremacists inform us that there were no gas chambers in the gulags. The eminent Russian writer Alexander Solzhenitsyn (1975, p. 91) laughed at this bogus issue, pointing out that “the horrible gulag conditions–those were our gas chambers”. Touche!
  • Anyway, who has it better–a Jew dying within a few minutes in a Nazi gas chamber or a Pole dying from starvation and overwork over several months in a Communist gulag? (Todorov 2000)
  • Holocaust supremacists insist that, unlike the situation with Nazis and Jews, the Communists never tried to eliminate every single member of any group. False! Despite saying so, Hitler never literally tried to kill every single European Jew [See my Detailed Bulletin on the Non-Specialness of the Holocaust].
  • A little-known fact: The same German company (Topf & Sohne) that built the crematory ovens for all the German camps, first built them for the Soviet Communists to dispose of the bodies of some of their victims (Dreyfus 2014).
  • Ironic to “do not compare” Jewish-serving complaints, the Nazis imitated the Communists! The labor camp was invented by the Communists, and copied by the Nazis, using the same name (LAGER) in Russian and in German (Besancon 2007)
  • In 1933, Hermann Goering told Lochner (1942) that the Nazis had studied Moscow’s methods minutely in order to apply and improve on them.
  • In fact, Auschwitz Commandant Hoss (1996) declared that the Gestapo had studied Soviet concentration camps down to the smallest detail and had forwarded these reports to all the Nazi camp commanders.
  • Ironically, the Soviets, having driven the Germans out in 1944-1945, re-used many Nazi German concentration camps, imprisoning 120,000 people (Todorov 2000).
  • British historian Ian Kershaw (1997), a specialist on Nazi Germany, concludes, “There can be no principled objection to comparing the forms of dictatorship in Germany under Hitler and in the Soviet Union under Stalin…”
  • Now on the deportations of Poles from the Soviet-conquered Kresy in 1939-1941: Far from being “just a train ride”, as sometimes vulgarized, the 3-6 week Polish deportee trip to the gulag itself was torture. Feeding was meager. Each railroad car was overcrowded with 40-50 people, with limited bunk beds, and with a single outhouse hole that afforded no sanitation or privacy. Extreme heat or cold prevailed, and children often died on these trips (Adamczyk 2004).
  • Polish gulag inmates toiled 12-16 hours daily in backbreaking labor, unto exhaustion, with inadequate feeding or clothing, and while afflicted with diseases such as scurvy, dystentary, tsinga, etc. (Sikorski and Sikorska 1946).
  • Photos don’t lie, and we get an idea of the horrors of the gulags by the photos of the emaciated “living skeleton” Polish survivors, many of whom died shortly after release (Czapski 1952).
  • But doesn’t Communism have “good points”? No more than does Nazism. Under Communism, everyone is equal all right–in exile, in prisons, in work camps, and in the state of hunger and servitude toward the ruling Red elite, which consists of thieves (Jasiewicz 2009).
  • The Communists sent people to gulags that were not involved in any political activity (Glaser and Possony 1979). They even sent children to the gulags (Solzhenitsyn 1975, p. 463).
  • Like the Nazis, the Communists usually targeted people not for what they did, but for who they were. They systematically targeted and destroyed the bourgeoisie as “the enemies of the people” (Knowlton 1993).
  • However, Communists did not “only” do classicide. The 200,000 Soviet Poles [possibly up to 500,000: Roszkowski 2016] murdered during the Great Terror (1937-1938) were targeted because they were Poles and not because they were kulaks (Sommer 2014). It was genocide.
  • Katyn also targeted Poles as a national group, and the systematic destruction of the Polish intelligentsia crippled the Polish nation as a whole. Therefore, Katyn was genocide (Szonert-Binienda 2012, p. 672, 679-680).
  • Today’s leftists, and some Jews, imagine that Communism in Poland was home-grown. It was not. During the interwar period, the Polish Communist Party was the weakest Communist party in Europe (Zebrowski 2021).
  • Until Soviet rule over Poland became unavoidable, any kind of Polish cooperation with Communism had been minimal. For example, among 24,000 Polish POWs of working-class background in Soviet captivity in 1920, the Communists were able to turn only 123 of them to Communism (Wandycz 1968). In 1940, out of many thousands of Polish officers in Soviet captivity, only 15 were turned to Communism (Sword 2014).
  • As a further example, the Communist GL-AL bands, despite Soviet backing and Soviet agitation, had a negligible following (5,000-6,000 members in Spring 1944: Chodakiewicz 1997, vol. 1). In contrast, the Narodowa Organizacja Wojskowa (NOW) had over 150,000 members already at the early date of May 1942 (Pilacinski 1976). The NSZ guerilla movement had 80,000 members by the end of 1943 (Gniadek-Zielinski 2017, p. 231), and over 100,000 soon thereafter (ibid, p. 602).
  • Communism was imposed on Poland by the USSR, and not by any tiny band of homegrown Polish Communists. In 1944, the Red Army, SMERSH, and the NKVD terrorized Poland into submission (Persak and Kaminski 2005, p. 222).
  • Communist rule over Poland was no outcome of any civil war. Stalin declared in October 1944 that, without the presence of the Red Army, the new Communist authority in Poland would not last a week! (Zebrowski 2018, p. 226)
  • In just 1945-1948, the Communists murdered over 30,000 Poles (Naimark 1998) and sentenced 100,000–150,000 Poles to lengthy prison terms (Szonert 2008).
  • The sham elections of January 1947 that officially brought the Communists to power in Poland were not only falsified, but Jozef Swiatlo (Isaac Fleischfarb) implicated himself in the falsification process (Blazynski 1985).

Source: JewsandPolesDatabase.org

Adamczyk. 2004. When God Looked the Other Way, pp. 33-35

Anders. 1949. An Army in Exile, p. 73

Besancon. 2007. A Century of Horrors, p. 5, 7

Blazynski. 1985. Mowi Jozef Swiatlo, p. 199

Chodakiewicz. 1997. Tajne Oblicze GL-AL i PPR, p. 23, 64, 83

Courtois. 1999. The Black Book of Communism, p. 4, 23

Czapski. 1952. The Inhuman Land, photos facing p. 177 and p. 192

Davies. 2006. No Simple Victory, pp. 472-473

Dreyfus. 2014. Human Remains and Mass Violence, p. 193

Ekart. 1954. Vanished Without a Trace, p. 227

Gigliotti 2020. A Companion to the Holocaust, p. 667

Glaser and Possony. 1979. Victims of Politics, p. 39

Gniadek-Zielinski. 2017. Narodowe Sily Zbrojne 1942-1947, p. 231, 602

Gonshak, 2015. Hollywood and the Holocaust, pp. 314-315

Gross. 2015. As the Witnesses Fall Silent, p. 294

Hoss. 1996. Death Dealer, pp. 168-169

IHRA. 2021. Understanding Holocaust Distortion, p. 9

Jasiewicz. 2009. Rzeczewistosc Sowiecka 1939-1941, p. 150

Kemp-Welch. 1990. Stalinism in Poland, p. 18

Kershaw. 1997. Stalinism and Nazism, pp. 88-89

Knowlton. 1993. Forever in the Shadow of Hitler, pp. 64-65, 153, 218

Lisiewicz. 1949. Destiny Can Wait, p. 29

Lochner. 1942. What About Germany?, p. 19

Miszalski. 2017. Zydowskie Lobby Polityczne w Polsce, p. 195

Naimark. 1998. The Establishment of Communist Regimes in Eastern Europe, 1944-1989, p. 94

Novis-Deutsch. 2023. Sites of Tension, p. 225, 375

Orenstein. 1987. I Shall Live, p. 149

Persak and Kaminski. 2005. A Handbook of Communist Security Apparatus in East Central Europe, 1944-1989, p. 222

Pilacinski. 1976. Narodowe Sily Zbrojne, p. 92

Roszkowski. 2016. Communist Crimes, pp. 259-260

Sikorski and Sikorska. 1946. The Dark Side of the Moon, p. 21

Solzhenitsyn. 1975. The Gulag Archipelago Two (1918-1956), p. 54, 91, 199, 221, 463

Sommer. 2014. Operacja Antypolska NKWD 1937-1938, pp. 246-247

Sword. 2014. Deportation and Exile, p. 232

Szonert. 2008. Null and Void: Poland, p. 126

Szonert-Binienda. 2012. Was Katyn Genocide? CASE WESTERN RESERVE JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW 44(3)633-717

Todorov. 2000. Facing the Extreme, pp. 133-134

Wandycz. 1968. Soviet-Polish Relations 1917-1921, p. 230

Yakovlev. 2002. A Century of Violence in Soviet Russia, p. 234

Zebrowski. 2018. O Najnowszej Historii Polski 1939-1989, p. 226

Zebrowski. 2021. Przeciwko Polskiej Walczacej, p. 53

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