- Poland’s Jew-Rescuers in perspective: A Jew is not required to risk his own life to save the life of another’s, according to the Babylonian Talmud (Barilan 2013). But Jews lecture Poles about having a “moral duty” to save Jewish lives no matter what. It is the same old Judeo-racist Talmudic dual morality.
- So “most Poles were indifferent” because “Jews were outside the Poles’ sphere of moral obligations” (Engel 2014, pp. 203-204). The chutzpah! When did Jews ever discover Poles having a place within the “Jews’ sphere of moral obligations”? And Jews were arguably also indifferent to other Jews (Golfard 2011).
- The perennial Jewish trope about the insignificance of Poland’s Jew-rescuers was not shared by those who knew best–the Nazis (Zaryn 2019, p. 187).
- Jewish insinuations that Poles have no right to honor Poland’s Jew-rescuers, just because there were “so few” of them, make about as much sense as saying that politicians have no right to give medals to brave soldiers because “so few” soldiers are exceptionally brave. Heroism must be exceptional!
- Jewish insinuations that the German death penalty was irrelevant rely on false equivalencies. Possessing a box of ammunition incurs the death penalty but, unlike a hidden Jew, a box of ammunition does not need to eat (Skinner 2011).
- Jewish insinuations that there were more denouncers than Poland’s Jew-rescuers are baseless. But what if? Natural behavior (trauma-governed obedience to the draconian German orders to denounce or kill fugitive Jews) should be more common than unnatural behavior (courageously defying German orders and saving Jews).
- Creative Jewish insinuations, that Poles killed more Jews than Poles killed Germans, are baseless. But what if? Poles had to submit to armed Germans confiscating Polish property but could kill unarmed Jewish bandits that were stealing Polish property. A big difference.
- Jewish accusations that Poland’s Jew-rescuers were later afraid to disclose their rescues, because of popular antisemitism, are nonsense. Poland’s Jew-rescuers kept a low profile in the face of the Soviet-imposed Communist puppet government, as it was suspicious of anyone displaying an activist mindset (Batalion 2021).
- The whopping Jewish insinuation that masses of Poles cheered the death of Jews (e. g, the ‘Goodbye Jews’ scene in SCHINDLER’S LIST, seen by hundreds of millions of people) is a scurrilous lie. According to eyewitness Jewish sources (Kaplan 1999; Perechodnik 1996; Pinkus 1990, Shatyn 1985), the vast majority of Poles expressed at least quiet reverence towards the doomed Jews.
- The whole concept of a “balance sheet” of Poland’s Jew-rescuers and denouncers is judgmental. Imagine someone suggesting that we do a “balance sheet” that compares the number of Jewish Nobel Prize winners with the number of Jewish crooks.
- The standard “most Poles were bystanders” formulation (Morina 2019) is Judeo-racist. It implies that Poles did not suffer and were merely observers to the “real” suffering that took place–that of the Jews.
- Some history: The Jews first requested separatism and autonomy from the new Nazi German conquerors of Poland, and the Germans cynically played along, authorizing the formation of the Judenrat (Friedman 1980). The Jews had effectively formed their own separate peace with the Germans, thereby underscoring Jewish separatist tendencies and alienating Jews from Poles and Poland.
- Furthermore, groups of Jews at large often did not even need Germans to guard them (Braatz 2011, p. 133; Gray 2006, p. 162; Poliakov 1956, p. 226). Unlike the Poles, Jews would not even defy Germans symbolically, as by graffiti (Reicher 2013). This pattern of servile Jewish conduct discouraged Polish solidarity with Jews. In broader context, Jews had a long history of anti-Polish Germanophilia (Prusin 2010).
- The Jews long disbelieved the reality of the unfolding Holocaust (“the Germans can’t be that bad”) (Arad 1999; Donat 1978; Eisner 1996, Greif 2005, Lubetkin 1981). What’s more, Jews on trains destined for the German-made death camps scornfully rejected last-minute Polish warnings (Arad 1999, Bem 2010, Zabecki 1977).
- Hiding fugitive Jews was very difficult. The Jewish self-imposed apartheid had been so pronounced that, according to famous Jewish writer Isaac Bashevis Singer, 2.5 million of the 3 million Polish Jews could not write a single letter in Polish! (Zaryn 2019, p. 30). Those very few fugitive Jews who spoke impeccable Polish and had an Aryan appearance often gave away their Jewishness through mannerisms (Gat 2014, pp. 205-206).
- Jewish accusations of “Polish greed and antisemitism”, for requiring payment for help, are odious. Poles had every right to seek payment, as they lived in crushing poverty and faced life-threatening risks (Weinstein 2005, pp. 94-95). Funny how Jews never complain about the Danish rescuers, who, despite having it much easier, required considerable sums of money to save their Jews (Yahil 1984).
- Polish SZMALCOWNIKI blackmailed fugitive Jews. So what? Fugitive Jews also blackmailed other fugitive Jews (Donat 1988). And fugitive Jews feared exposure by the “wrong” Jews just as they feared exposure by the “wrong” Poles (Eber 2004).
- Jews depreciate ZEGOTA as a clique run by a handful of idealists. It was not. It was a sophisticated Polish underground organization that existed in many cities (Friedman 1954, p. 299; Mayer 2010).
- Certain Jews refused the proffered help of Irena Sendler, claiming that they could handle the Germans on their own, just as they had handled goyish rulers throughout history (Harrison 2010). Many high-profile Jews refused Polish help (Friedman 1954, p. 138, 172).
- Courageous Polish diplomat Aleksander Lados saved the lives of at least 2,000 Jews, but Yad Vashem spurned him (Moorhouse 2023).
- Jan Karski’s bold initiative was disregarded by prominent Jews, such as Judge Felix Frankfurter, Nahum Goldman, Chaim Weizmann, David Ben Gurion, etc. (Power 2013). Yet Holocaust scholar Engel (1990) has the audacity to complain that Karski did not prioritize his efforts on behalf of Jews over his efforts on behalf of conquered Poland. You can’t make this stuff up!
- British censorship, and not Polish indifference or antisemitism (as accused by Engel 2014), prevented the Polish Government in Exile in London from being more expressive about the unfolding Holocaust (Fleming 2014). These international Polish warnings were deemed serious enough, by none other than Goebbels, to discuss within his inner circle–on how best to counter them (Semmler 1947).
- The insinuation that the National Democrats (Endeks) opposed Poland’s Jew-rescuers is a falsehood (IPN 2006).
- Jewish accusations are all very facile. “Poles did nothing extraordinary to ameliorate the Holocaust” could just as easily be said about the West’s Jews (Lacquer 1998).
- Jewish peer pressure is Polonophobic. The rescued Jew, Zygmunt Rolat, wanted to erect a monument, near the POLIN Museum, to honor Polish rescuers. Other Jews pressured him not to do so, and for frivolous pretexts (Zubrzycki 2022).
- Verbalized Jewish Polonophobia also influences Holocaust survivors not to write “too positively” about Poles and about Poland’s Jew-rescuers (Redlich 2002).
Source: Jewsandpolesdatabase.org
Arad. 1999. Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka, p. 242, 377
Barilan. 2013. Jewish Bioethics, p. 120
Batalion. 2021. The Light of Days, pp. 418-419
Bem. 2010. Sobibor, p. 240
Braatz. 2011. From Ghetto to Death Camp, p. 133
Donat. 1978. The Holocaust Kingdom, p. 103
Donat. 1988. The Death Camp Treblinka, p. 142
Eber. 2004. The Choice, p. 130
Eisner. 1996. The Survivor of the Holocaust, p. 98, 118
Engel. 1990. The Western Allies and the Holocaust. HOLOCAUST AND GENOCIDE STUDIES 5(4)363-380
Engel. 2014. In the Shadow of Auschwitz, p. 202-204, 209
Fleming. 2014. Auschwitz, the Allies, and Censorship of the Holocaust, pp. 266-268
Friedman. 1954. Martyrs and Fighters, p. 138, 172, 299
Friedman. 1980. Roads to Extinction, p. 541
Gat. 2014. Not Just Another Holocaust Book, pp. 205-206
Golfard. 2011. The Diary of Sam Golfard and the Holocaust in Galicia, pp. 64-65
Gray. 2006. For Those I Loved, p. 162
Greif. 2005. We Wept Without Tears, p. 164, 243, 324
Harrison. 2010. The Courageous Heart of Irena Sendler (DVD)
IPN. 2006. Polacy i Zydzi Pod Okupacja Niemiecka, 1939-1945, pp. 375-380
Kaplan. 1999. Scroll of Agony, p. 82
Lacquer. 1998. The Terrible Secret, p. 122
Lubetkin. 1981. In the Days of Destruction and Revolt, p. 103
Mayer. 2010. Life in a Jar, p. 196
Moorhouse. 2023. The Forgers, p. 279
Morina. 2019. Probing the Limits of Categorization, p. 24, 346
Paulsson. 1995. The Bridge Over the Oresund. JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY HISTORY 30(3)458
Perechodnik. 1996. Am I a Murderer? p. 41, 55
Pinkus. 1990. The House of Ashes, pp. 109-110
Power. 2013. A Problem From Hell, p. 34
Prusin. 2010. Lands Between, p. 93
Poliakov. 1956. Harvest of Hate, p. 226
Redlich. 2002. Together and Apart in Brzezany, p. 22, 169
Reicher. 2013. Country of Ash, p. 133
Semmler. 1947. Goebbels, the Man Next to Hitler, pp. 117-118
Shatyn. 1985. A Private War, p. 42, 121
Skinner. 2011. Irena Sendler: In the Name of Their Mothers (DVD)
Weinstein. 2005. Quenched Steel, pp. 94-95
Yahil. 1984. The Rescue of Danish Jewry, p. 261
Zabecki. 1977. Wspomnienia Dawne i Nowe, p. 40
Zaryn. 2019. Poland in the Face of the Holocaust, p. 30, 187
Zubrzycki. 2022. Poland’s Jewish Revival, p. 109
