April 13, 2024
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Detailed Bulletin: The Truth About Roman Dmowski

Roman Dmowski - Wikiquote

  • Polish patriotism ran in Dmowski’s family. Roman Dmowski’s father, Walenty, faked illiteracy to avoid having to sign his name in Russian (Wolikowska 1961, p. 61).
  • Dmowski was never pro-Russian (Minnen 2005). The Germans were the main enemy, according to Dmowski (Duff 1917, p. 119), because they were more effective in oppressing the Poles than were the Russians.
  • Any notion [as by Communist propaganda] of Dmowski favoring a return to feudalism is bunk (Dmowski 1908, pp. 222-223).
  • The dichotomy between “Jagiellonian nationalism” (inclusive) and “Piast nationalism” (exclusive) is disingenuous. Because most nationalities of former Poland had gone their separate ways after the Partitions, a return to “Jagiellonian nationalism” was untenable. So Dmowski moved in the direction of “Piast nationalism” (Chodakiewicz 2015).
  • Calling Dmowski an ethnonationalist is name-calling. Most nations had been created, from the beginning, around a majority ethnicity, and “civic nationalism” has always been secondary to “ethnonationalism” (Gat and Yacobson 2013, p. 83, 263). The core of Poland has always been ethnic Poles! Now let the leftists and Jews have a conniption over this.
  • Dmowski an integral nationalist? No way! Polish nationalism has always been governed by Catholic ethics (Chodakiewicz and Radzilowski. 2003; Grott 2006). The amorality, deification of the state, totalitarian power, and the Cult of the Leader that later typified Italian Fascism and German Nazism were soundly rejected by virtually all Polish nationalists.
  • Leftists and Jews love to equate nationalism with anger, fear, and hate. Just the opposite: Dmowski warned Poles against an unproductive, blind hatred of Germans (Wolikowska 1961, pp. 124-125).
  • Far from being a chauvinistic Pole, Dmowski (1903, p. 193) said that he would be just as disgusted at a Polish teacher hitting a Ukrainian child for speaking Ukrainian as he would be at a German or Russian teacher hitting a Polish child for speaking Polish.
  • Unlike the stereotyped scapegoat-seeking nationalist, Dmowski (1925, v1, p. 207) also blamed the Poles when they deserved it. He faulted Poles for their weak political organization and their passivity and laziness (Dmowski 1903, p. 12, 72).
  • In addition, Dmowski chided Poles for their naive belief in the good will of others, such as their idea that the self-evident criminality of the Partitions will induce Europeans to restore the Polish nation (Dmowski 1908, p. 212). Three modern examples: Poles fighting “for your freedom and ours”, only to be rewarded by Yalta. Poles trusting the goodness of western Europeans and joining the European Union. Poles wishing that unilateral concessions to Jews will cause the Jews to start treating Poles fairly.
  • With very few exceptions (e. g, Fountain 1980), Roman Dmowski has been made into the devil incarnate, by leftists and Jews, for his courageous stand against the Jews.
  • The big Polonophobic hullaballoo in academia, about the Dmowski-led boycott of Jews that started in 1912, is beyond hysterical. Jews had boycotted Poles for centuries, banding together to drive Polish competitors out of business (Szczepanski 1993), thus protecting Jewish wealth and privilege. Of course, we never hear about that.
  • By 1909 at the latest, before the much-demonized 1912 Dmowski-led boycott of Jews, the Jews were already boycotting Polish doctors and lawyers in favor of Jewish ones (Dmowski 1919, p. 28). So a Talmudic-style dual morality is in force: When goys like Dmowski boycott Jews, it is something immoral, but when Jews boycott goys, then it is just fine.
  • In the watershed 1912 Russian Duma elections that provoked the Dmowski boycott, urban voters were strongly over-represented, giving Jews inordinate voting power. Acting like vultures, the Jews disenfranchised the Poles and muted what little political influence Poles had previously gained in the Duma (Dmowski 1925, v1, p. 163).
  • The Jewish power grab was so egregious that even some Polish liberals and Jews supported Dmowski (Corssin 1989).
  • Imagine a group of Poles in the State of Israel somehow acquiring inordinate voting privileges, and then exploiting these privileges to impose their will upon the Jewish people. How “tolerant” would Jews be of that? Laugh.
  • The candidate that Jews got elected in 1912, Jagiello, was illiterate. As intended, he was the perfect stooge that was easily influenced by both Jews and Russians (Paderewski 1980).
  • Roman Dmowski (1917, p. 76) welcomed minorities that were loyal to Poland. Ironically, Dmowski himself was of Tatar descent (Chodakiewicz 2016, p. 217). Dmowski did not exclude Jews: The Jews excluded themselves.
  • Jews deliberately confuse minority rights and nation-within-nation rights (Janowsky 1933, p. 89). The Jews already had full rights, as a religious and cultural minority in Poland, and were out to usurp the status of a separate nation on Polish soil. Jews in effect treated Poland as the second Land of Canaan (Dmowski 1925, p. 52).
  • The highly regarded Irish scholar and journalist, Emile Joseph Dillon (1920), who was present at the Paris Peace Conference that officially ended WWI, congratulated Dmowski for standing up to Jewish demands that Jews be transformed into a ward of the League of Nations for the purpose of expanding Jewish power and privilege in the new Poland.
  • While in the USA, Dmowski was beset by angry Jewish bankers that demanded that he call off the boycott of Jews. Dmowski replied, “Let Jews dedicate their lives and wealth to the welfare of Poland.” (Wolikowska 1961, p. 237). Touche!
  • Despite all the Jewish provocations, Dmowski never called for a JUDENREIN (Jewish-free) Poland. In order to relieve Jewish overcrowding, Dmowski wanted 80% of Jews to leave while 20% could stay. (Bonsal 1946, p. 124).
  • Roman Dmowski (1909, p. 12, 26) generally rejected assimilation as a solution to the Jewish problem because he presciently realized that most Jews would not assimilate, and because even Polonized Jews commonly retained a separatist mindset.
  • Moreover, when Jewish loyalty to Poland did occur, it could be ephemeral. Dmowski (1909, p. 29) warned Poles about Hungarian Jews. They professed to be Hungarian patriots, but, as soon as the borders changed, they reverted to their separatist ways (Janowsky 1933, p. 275).
  • Now consider parasitism. A parasite is a separate and foreign organism that exploits the host organism. Jews, by virtue of their unambiguous political separatism, were a parasitic element that was living off Poland (Wapinski 1979, p. 107).
  • Consistent with the fact that parasites take advantage of passive hosts, Dmowski (1903, p. 90) contended that Poles had been weak-willed and indulgent towards Jews for centuries. That is why so many Jews came to Poland.
  • A parasite commonly deprives its host of the best nutrients. In like manner, Jews usually gravitate to the highest-paying professions in a nation, thereby taking them away from the host nation. Dmowski realized that, without a major drop in Poland’s Jewish population, soon all of the doctors, lawyers, and small merchants in Poland would be Jews (Bonsal 1946, p. 124).
  • Dmowski (1917, p. 69) much admired the Prussian Polish entrepreneurial successes and made them into a model for all Poles to emulate. These exceptional Polish successes corresponded to a drop in the local Jewish population, and Dmowski compared these Poles to an organism that is gaining strength and is shaking off the parasites that had been colonizing it (Wapinski 1979, p. 108).
  • Equating Dmowski with German Nazism (as by Krzywiec 2016 and Porter-Szucs 2000) is a monstrous lie. Already by 1934 at the latest, Dmowski (2014, pp. 341-342) had condemned Nazism as a criminal movement. And, even before WWII, Dmowski (1938, p. 22) realized that the notion of Aryans and non-Aryans was dividing people into superior and inferior.
  • Dmowski never considered all Jews parasites and realized that Jews could change their parasitic ways (Wapinski 1979, p. 112). In contrast, the Nazis treated parasitism as racially innate to all Jews.
  • Roman Dmowski (1925, v2, p. 44) was no paranoid conspiracy theorist. He believed that Jewish power should neither be underrated nor overrated. In contrast, the Nazis regarded the Jews as all-powerful.
  • Dmowski freely honored those relatively few Jews that were Polish patriots (Wapinski 1979, p. 112; Wolikowska 1961, p. 223). In contrast, the Nazis systematically condemned even those Jews that had been patriotic German citizens.
  • Roman Dmowski opposed pogroms (Duff 1917, pp. 115-116), and the extermination of Jews was not even part of Dmowski’s imagination.
  • Decades before the State of Israel came into existence, Dmowski (1908, pp. 222-223) predicted that a Jewish state in the Middle East would incur massive and sustained Arab enmity.



Source: JewsandPolesdatabase.org


Bonsal. 1946. Suitors and Supplicants, p. 124

Chodakiewicz. 2015. Polska Dla Polakow!, pp. 32-33, 57

Chodakiewicz. 2016. Mysli Wolnego Polaka, p. 217

Chodakiewicz and Radzilowski. 2003. Spanish Carlism and Polish Nationalism, pp. 58-59

Corrsin. 1989. Warsaw Before the First World War, pp. 90-93, 102-107

Dillon. 1920. The Inside Story of the Peace Conference, p. 81

Dmowski. 1903. Mysli Nowoczesnego Polaka, p. 12, 72, 90, 193

Dmowski. 1908. Niemcy, Rosja i Kwestia Polska, p. 212, pp. 222-223

Dmowski. 1909. Separatyzm Zydow i Jego Zrodla, p. 12, 26, 28

Dmowski. 1917. Problems of Eastern and Central Europe, p. 69

Dmowski. 1925. Polityka Polska I Odbudowa Panstwa, 2 volumes. V1, p. 163, 207, 264; V2, p. 44, 52

Dmowski. 1931. Swiat Powojenny i Polska, p. 319-320

Dmowski. 1938. Duch Europy, p. 22

Dmowski. 2014. Wybor Pism, Tom 1, p. 313, 322-323, 323-324, 341-342

Duff. 1917. Russian Realities and Problems, pp. 115-116, 119

Fountain. 1980. Roman Dmowski

Gat and Yacobson. 2013. Nations, p. 83, 263

Grott. 2006. Nacjonalizm Chrzescijanski, p. 47

Janowsky. 1933. The Jews and Minority Rights, 1898-1919, p. 89, 275

Krzywiec. 2016. Chauvinism, Polish Style

Minnen. 2005. Van Loon, p. 273

Paderewski. 1980. The Paderewski Memoirs, pp. 384-385

Porter-Szucs. 2000. When Nationalism Began to Hate

Szczepanski. 1993. Dziela Spolecznosci Zydowskiej, p. 70

Wapinski. 1979. Roman Dmowski, pp. 107-108, 112

Wolikowska. 1961. Roman Dmowski: Czlowiek, Polak, Przyjaciel, p. 61, 74, 124-125, 223, 237



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